ကုိယ့္ဒုကၡ ကုိယ္ရွာတ့ဲ ျမန္မာအစုိးရ?

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ျမန္မာအစုိးရဟာ ရခုိင္ေဒသ မျငိမ္မသက္မႈနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ျပီး သံတမန္ေရးဆုိင္ရာ အက်ပ္အတည္းဆုိက္ေအာင္ ကုိယ္တုိင္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနတယ္၊ ဒီလုိ လုပ္မိေနမွန္း အစုိးရက သတိထားမိခ်င္မွ ထားမိလိမ့္မယ္ လုိ႔ ဒီကေန႔ ဘန္ေကာက္ပုိ႔စ္ သတင္းစာ အယ္ဒီတာ့အာေဘာ္မွာ ေရးထားပါတယ္။

မျငိမ္မသက္မႈေတြအေၾကာင္းကုိ ျမန္မာအစုိးရက တျဖည္းျဖည္း ထိန္ခ်န္ လွ်ဳိ႕၀ွက္လာတယ္၊ ဆင္ဆာျဖတ္တယ္၊ ဆန္႔က်င္တုိက္ခုိက္အျငင္းပြားခ်င္လာတယ္ တ့ဲ။
တုိတုိေျပာရရင္ ရခုိင္ေဒသပဋိပကၡကုိ ကုိင္တြယ္တာ လုံး၀ မွားယြင္းေနတယ္လုိ႔ အယ္ဒီတာ့အာေဘာ္မွာ ေရးထားပါတယ္။

ရခုိင္ေဒသတည္ျငိမ္ေရးႀကိဳးပမ္းေနတ့ဲျမန္မာအစုိးရရဲ႕ လက္ရိွ အခက္အခဲတခုက နုိင္ငံတကာရဲ႕ စုိးရိမ္ပူပန္မႈနဲ႔ အမ်က္ေဒါသကုိ ဘယ္လုိ ရင္ဆုိင္ေျဖရွင္းမလဲ ဆုိတာပါပဲ တ့ဲ။

ျမန္မာအစုိးရဆီကလာတ့ဲ အလုိအေလ်ာက္ တုံ႔ျပန္ခ်က္ေတြဟာ ဘာနဲ႔တူသလဲဆုိရင္ နုိင္ငံတကာ စုိးရိမ္မႈကုိ ဂရုမစုိက္၊ လ်စ္လ်ဴျပဳထားဖုိ႔ ႀကဳိးစားေနတာနဲ႔ တူတယ္ လုိ႔ ဆုိပါတယ္။

ပဋိပကၡေတြ တားဆီးနုိင္မယ့္ နည္းလမ္းေတြ ရရိွဖုိ႔၊ ျဖစ္ခ့ဲတ့ဲ ပဋိပကၡရဲ႕ အေၾကာင္းရင္း နဲ႔ သက္ေရာက္မႈကုိ ေလ့လာရွာေဖြႏုိင္ဖုိ႔အတြက္ ကုလသမဂၢ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအရာရိွ ကင္တားနားက အႀကံေပးထားတာ ရိွတယ္၊အဲဒါကေတာ့ အမွန္တရားေပၚေပါက္ေရးေကာ္မရွင္ တည္ေထာင္ဖုိ႔ပါ။ သုိ႔ေသာ္လည္း ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီးက သူ႔အႀကံျပဳခ်က္ကုိ လက္မခံပါဘူး၊ ရခုိင္ေဒသမွာ စစ္တပ္နဲ႔ ရဲတပ္ဖဲြ႔ကုိ အင္အားတုိးခ်ဲ႕ ခ်ထားမယ္လုိ႔ ျပန္တုံ႔ျပန္ခ့ဲပါတယ္ တ့ဲ။

ကုိယ့္ဒုကၡ ကုိယ္ရွာတ့ဲ ျမန္မာအစုိးရ ဆုိတ့ဲ ေခါင္းစဥ္နဲ႔ ေရးထားတ့ဲ ဘန္ေကာက္ပုိ႔စ္ အယ္ဒီတာ့အာေဘာ္ကုိ ကူးယူ ေဖာ္ျပလုိက္ပါတယ္။

Myanmar digs itself a big hole
Bangkokpost

Myanmar may not even be aware of it, but it is digging its way into a huge diplomatic hole over the recent communal riots in the country's western region.

Over the past few weeks, the Nay Pyi Taw government has turned progressively secretive, censorious and combative over the June riots and continuing unrest in Rakhine state. In short, it is taking entirely the wrong direction over the violence.

The riots in the region formerly known as Arakan peaked in June. Truthful reports on casualties and damage are as difficult to come by as details of the fighting and how the Myanmar authorities responded. However, available reports indicate that several hundred people died or were maimed, the number of buildings destroyed was more than 1,000, and the army and police behaved atrociously.

Myanmar's current problem, apart from trying to calm Rakhine state, is how to deal with international concern and anger.

The instinctive reaction of the Myanmar authorities is still to try to clam up and ignore the world's concern.

This will not do, not from a country demanding attention as a newly emerging democracy trying to throw off the shackles of a 50-year military dictatorship.

Everything that Myanmar has done since the riots has been wrong. Its refusal to open the region to objective reporters and its own media caused massive anti-government press from virtually everywhere outside its borders. Human rights groups have "demanded" _ a favourite word _ impartial reporting.

The result was that Myanmar, almost unbelievably, cracked down on the press again. Last week, the government banned two newspapers for refusing to submit stories to official censors. On Saturday, Myanmar reporters staged a public demonstration to demand an end to the censorship system.

Worldwide, members of the free press automatically sympathised with the Myanmar media who were brave enough to defy the system. The United Nations' Special Rapporteur for Myanmar, Tomas Ojea Quintana, suggested the country hold a truth commission to try to discover the causes and effects of the riots, and come up with ways to prevent more communal battles.

Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin criticised the UN official for daring to suggest that the army and police might have used excessive force, specifically against the Rohingya Muslims of Rakhine.

And that extremely unthoughtful outburst caught the attention of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation. The OIC proposed sending a mission to Myanmar to look into the massacres of Rohingya by the Buddhist majority. That sort of inflammatory language is certain to result in the OIC rejecting such a proposal, but it is a lose-lose situation for Nay Pyi Taw. In addition to being a powerful political group, the OIC comprises Asean partners Indonesia and Malaysia. Thailand is an OIC observer.

Myanmar has only a couple of options of where to go next, neither of them attractive. It can try to continue to stonewall and earn the sort of criticism that was heaped on the country while it was run by army juntas.

It can release information and open the Rakhine area to objective observers, which will almost certainly result in even more criticism of its treatment of the Rohingya, a religious minority whose members are denied citizenship in their own country.

However, it would be a mistake for Myanmar and cause strong repercussions in Asean if the country takes the repressive road.